Famine and Genocide = Profits, Part
Deanna Spingola
In 1945, the elite’s lawyers and
agents incorporated economic sanctions into the U.N. Charter as a disciplinary
policy in order to control and/or punish nations that resist the globalist’s
agenda or foreigner’s corporate interests. Nations have used sanctions fourteen
times – twelve times since 1990. The United States, on behalf of well-connected
corporations, imposed the longest running sanctions, since February 7, 1962,
against Cuba after that nation expropriated, with compensation, the properties
of American corporations. After the destruction of the Iraqi infrastructure and
the accompanying pollution of the water supply, the
U.N. Security Council then inflicted strict economic sanctions on Iraq, with
Resolution 661, which began August 6, 1990 and continued until May 22, 2003.
Sanctions ended soon after the “shock and awe” invasion on March 19, 2003. Those
sanctions prohibited the importation of all
commodities and products and all exports originating in Iraq or Kuwait. Punitive
sanctions
critically restrict the import of the basic essentials to sustain life, which
severely effects the most vulnerable in any society, the children, of which
500,000 perished during that deadly period. The general mortality rate increased
dramatically. The sanctions predictably deindustrialized what remained of the
country, now dependent on others for agricultural products. On June 23, 1991, the
Pentagon admitted that their targets were not limited to military objectives,
indicative of a total war. In a total war, soldiers deliberately destroy the
infrastructure, which renders a country incapable of supporting itself as an
industrialized society.
[1]
General Merrill McPeak, Air Force
Chief of Staff, admitted in a briefing on March 15, 1991 that this war was “the
first time in history that a field army has been defeated by air power.” He
estimated that the United States dropped 88,500 (only 7.4 % were precision
guided) tons of bombs in 109,876 aircraft sorties. This was more intense than
the 34,000 tons per month during the Vietnam War or the 22,000 tons per month
during the Korean War.
[2] By the end
of the war, Iraq had only four percent of its prewar electricity. Troops damaged
or rendered inoperable fifty railroad and highway bridges between Basra and
Baghdad. Bombs destroyed eight multi-purpose dams, four of the seven pumping
stations and thirty-one municipal water and sewerage facilities, twenty in
Baghdad, resulting in sewage pouring into the Tigris, Iraqi’s primary water
source. The American military deliberately incapacitated the water purification
plants throughout Iraq, a ruthless act that is totally against the Geneva
Conventions.
[3]
On January 22, 1991, officials published
Iraq Water Treatment Vulnerabilities
warning that without the addition of chlorine to purify the water, diseases such
as cholera, hepatitis, and typhoid would occur. By May 1991, these diseases were
pandemic in the refugee camps due to inadequate water and poor sanitation.
American bombs destroyed 9,000 homes leaving about 72,000 Iraqis homeless. Dr.
David Levenson visited Iraq immediately after the Gulf War on behalf of
International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War. He said, “For many
weeks, people in Baghdad, without television, radio, or newspapers to warn them,
brought their drinking water from the Tigris, in buckets.” He said, “Dehydrated
from nausea and diarrhea, craving liquids, they drank more of the water that
made them sick in the first place.” Thousands died from drinking polluted water.
Ohio Representative Tony Hall wrote to the Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
voicing concerns about what he called the “profound effects the deterioration of
Iraq’s water supply and sanitation systems has on children's health.” Diarrhea
in children under five occurred in “epidemic proportions,” the leading cause of
death in that age group.
[4]
The United States imposed
sanctions against Iraq, the worst in modern history, to halt their alleged
aggression against Kuwait and, if true, should have ended with Iraq’s withdrawal
from that country, if not for the combined influence of the United States and
Britain with the U.N. Iraq agreed to a cease-fire on February 22, 1991. They had
three weeks to withdraw their troops to within their pre-invasion borders. The
United States accepted the entire proposal and promised that American troops
would not harm retreating Iraqi soldiers. Accordingly, a safe withdrawal could
begin within twenty-four hours.
However, General Barry McCaffrey
ordered the bombing of retreating Iraqi troops in a systematic massacre that
lasted two days. They destroyed over 1,500 Iraqi tanks, armored vehicles,
trucks, jeeps, ambulances and automobiles along what became known as the
“highway of death,” evidenced by hundreds of horrifically charred and twisted
cadavers entombed in the burnt remains. On February 24, 1991,
the United States launched Operation Desert Saber.
Many Iraqi ground troops were still entrenched, defending a fortified line when
two American brigades from the First Infantry Division used a “bulldozer
assault.” They drove alongside the trenches in earthmoving plows mounted to
tanks and buried the terrified defeated occupants. Two thousand Iraqis
surrendered to escape being buried alive. One brigade commander estimated that
they only buried between eighty and 250 Iraqis. Thousands of other Iraqi
soldiers deserted to the death of the desert but U.S. Marines followed them.
Although the Iraqis surrendered, the United States claimed they were afraid that
the Iraqis would use chemical weapons. In that case, the United States would
have destroyed the remaining dams on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, totally
flooding Baghdad.
The images of the cars are very
similar to the "toasted cars" associated with 9/11 to which
Dr. Judy Wood refers.
The military used
directed energy in the Iraq. McCaffrey, instead of receiving
official condemnation for ignoring the cease-fire orders, was awarded with a
position as an Adjunct Professor at West Point, where he was the Bradley
Professor of International Security Studies (2001-2005). He was also an NBC and
MSNBC military analyst and the president of BR McCaffrey Associates, a
consultant firm. In April 2008, The
New York Times confirmed that ABC, CBS, FOX and NBC hired military
analysts to present supposedly unbiased observations about the conduct of the
current war in Iraq – including McCaffrey, all of whom had undisclosed
connections to the Pentagon and/or military contractors. McCaffrey was a
founding member of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, headed by war hawk
neo-cons like William Kristal, Newt Gingrich and Richard Perle. Military
analysts like Colonel Ken Allard, General Wayne Downing, Major General Don
Sheppard, Lt. General Thomas G. McInerney, General Montgomery Meigs and others
have appeared on major networks touting the war’s progress.
[5]
On May 18, 2010, the West Point Association of Graduates
of the United States Military Academy awarded McCaffrey, who was also the South
COM Commander (U.S.-Latin America troops), and White House National Drug Policy
Director, the Distinguished Graduate Award. Colonel Robert L. McClure said,
“General McCaffrey’s record as an exceptional military leader, accomplished
public servant, and lifelong contributor to the United States Military Academy
and its mission make him a superb choice for the Distinguished Graduate Award.”
[6] A West Point
faculty member stated, “The General has been my most inspiring mentor – in my
view, a true model of integrity, personal sacrifice, and moral courage.” That is
how they manufacture heroes – with job appointments, awards and whitewashing.
The United States blamed exiting
Iraqis for setting fire to about 700 oil wells, about eighty percent of
Kuwaiti’s wells, which amounted to a daily loss of at least six million barrels.
Ultimately, privately contracted American-based companies extinguished the
fires, which cost Kuwait $1.5 billion. The fires burned until November 6, 1991,
and caused widespread pollution and the destruction of groundwater resources as
spilled oil formed huge pools, which contaminated the soil. In 1998, several
veterans contacted the American Gulf War Veterans Association and claimed that
American forces, Navy Seals, Marine Force Recon, and Delta Force, had set the
Kuwait oil well fires as part of a pervasive scorched earth policy. One veteran
gave a detailed description of how special operations teams set explosive and
incendiary charges on wellheads that were then remotely detonated.
[7] On December
15, 1990, before the invasion, Secretary of State James Baker signed the U.S.
Army report from the 352nd Civil Affairs Command on the New Kuwait,
which detailed the extensive destruction planned for Kuwait, including how they
would set the oil wells ablaze. The report also had a list of the United States
companies that they would employ to extinguish the fires.
[8]
Saddam Hussein and his top aides
recognized that Iranian officials would hold them financially accountable for
the devastation and environmental damages caused by the dozens of fires. Top
Iraqi officials have repeatedly disclaimed responsibility for this sabotage
operation. In June 1992, former Iraqi Oil Minister Osama al-Hiti said, “We did
not set the oil fields on fire. Why should we? Where was the profit?”
[9] Companies,
and the financial institutions that back them, were the profiteers. They include
Red Adair Company (Texas), Boots and Coots (Texas), Wild Well Control (Texas),
Safety Boss (Canada), Cudd Well/Pressure Control (Texas), Neal Adams
Firefighters (Texas), and Kuwait Wild Well Killers, a team of
specialists from all over the world. After the war, well-connected
American corporations, using assumed Arab names, rebuilt Kuwait, earning
millions of dollars. During this special operation, officials dismissed the
services that Deutsche Babcock offered. Deutsche Babcock was very experienced
in, among other things, oil and gas firing equipment, copper pipes, cast-iron
fittings, desulfurization systems, and water-treatment plants. The companies
with close ties to the U.S. government received the clean-up contracts despite
the special services that the German conglomerate could have provided. The
elites have no qualms about destroying natural resources and blaming others
because it represents profit.
In 1991, estimates for reconstruction
of Kuwait ranged from $45 to $100 billion plus another $10 billion to rebuild
the oil industry and another $15 billion to replace the infrastructure. American
companies received about 250 contracts and they obtained about seventy percent
of the work.
[10] The
Marshall Plan for rebuilding Western Europe after World War II cost the
equivalent of $70 billion at today’s prices.
[11] The American
taxpayer paid for the reconstruction, another redistribution of wealth, seized
from the taxpayer’s pocket and allotted to American corporations and their
cronies, the banks that finance their operations. According to the late General
Smedley D. Butler, war is a racket, the title of his book exposing the gigantic
profit-producing deadly swindle.
Companies that received contracts
include Fluor, Dresser Industries, Bechtel, Caterpillar Inc., Motorola Inc.,
AT&T, Raytheon, General Motors, Ford Motor, Chrysler, and the Army Corps of
Engineers. Rebuilding takes years.
[12] Some of
these same companies got contracts to rebuild Iraq. Suzanne H. Woolsey (
On May 12, 1996, Madeleine Albright, then U.S. Ambassador to the UN, appeared on
a 60 Minutes segment where Lesley
Stahl asked, “We have heard that half a million children have died. I mean,
that’s more children than died in Hiroshima. And, you know, is the price worth
it?” Albright replied, “I think this is a
very hard choice, but the price, we think the price is worth it.” Colin
Powell, who directed Desert Storm and defended McCaffrey’s massacre, in
referring to the civilian deaths, perhaps as many as 150,000, remarked,
“That’s not really a number I’m terribly interested in.” We are still
in Iraq, twenty years after the first assault and the American military has
killed almost two million people in behalf of multinational corporations.
[1] Allied Air War Struck Broadly in
Iraq By Barton Gellman, Washington Post, June 23, 1991
[2] Benjamin S. Lambeth, The
Transformation of American Air Power, Cornell University Press, New
York, 2000, pp. 4, 238, 261
[3] Article 54 of the Geneva
Convention states: “It is prohibited to attack, destroy or render
useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian
population” and includes foodstuffs, livestock and “drinking water
supplies and irrigation works.”
[4]
Felicity Arbuthnot, Allies Deliberately Poisoned Iraq Public Water
Supply In Gulf War, Sunday Herald (Scotland), September 17, 2000
[5] David Barstow, Behind TV
Analysts, Pentagon’s Hidden Hand, New York Times, April 20, 2008
[6] Former Drug Czar and 4-Star Gen.
Barry McCaffrey (USA-Ret.) Receives West Point 2010 Distinguished
Graduate Award,
http://www.foxbusiness.com/story/drug-czar--star-gen-barry-mccaffrey-usa-ret-receives-west-point--distinguished/
[7] US Special Forces memorandum
admits U.S./U.N. set Kuwaiti Oil Fires in 1991, Portland Independent
Media Center, November 25, 2004
[8] US Special Forces memorandum
admits U.S./U.N. set Kuwaiti Oil Fires in 1991, Portland Independent
Media Center, November 25, 2004
[9] US Special Forces memorandum
admits U.S./U.N. set Kuwaiti Oil Fires in 1991, Portland Independent
Media Center, November 25, 2004
[10] Shawn Tully and Rebecca Lewin,
Who Will Rebuild Kuwait, The Americans first of all, followed by the
Brits and the French and companies from other countries that sent
troops. But Kuwaitis are also looking for low bidders, Fortune Magazine,
March 25, 1991
[11] Steve Lohr, War in the Gulf:
Postwar Kuwait; U.S. Corporations Win Kuwait Rebuilding Jobs, New York
Times, February 28, 1991
[12] Steve Lohr, War in the Gulf:
Postwar Kuwait; U.S. Corporations Win Kuwait Rebuilding Jobs, New York
Times, February 28, 1991
[13] Rita J. King, Rebuilding: At
What Cost and In Who’s Image?, Special to CorpWatch,